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Bkat Test Study Guide Emergency Full PDF

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Take complete control over your education with online learning and study anywhere in the world with the best online programs. Please leave it blank: Please leave it blank. We provide a wide array of financial products and technical assistance, and we help countries share and apply innovative knowledge and solutions to the challenges they face. Data and research help us understand these challenges and set priorities, share knowledge of what works, and measure progress. Malawi was a one-party state from 1966 to 1994. The transition to multi-party democracy in 1994 strengthened bilateral relations between the U.S. and Malawi and the two countries have worked together to advance health, education, agriculture, energy, and environmental stewardship in Malawi. U.S. and Malawian views on the necessity of economic and political stability in southern Africa generally coincide. Malawi advocates peaceful solutions to the region’s problems through negotiation and works to achieve these objectives in a variety of regional and international fora. Find a quick visual guide to our offices around the world. They participate in internal training sessions and assessment missions in the field. This medical unit is based in Cape Town, South Africa. This medical unit is based in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Malawi, January 2021.Malawi, January 2021.In the first few weeks of January 2021, the number of people confirmed with the disease has doubled every four to five days, and while the local capacity is already saturated, access to vaccines is likely a few months away. Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) responded to a call by the health authorities in Blantyre, and launched emergency activities to tackle the exponential increase in the number of severe patients in the area. At that time, the majority of new cases was found among Malawian workers returning from South Africa, while today almost all the new cases are the result of local transmission.

According to current scientific knowledge, this variant is 50 per cent more transmissible than the original strain, leading to a quick surge in the number of people needing hospitalisation. This number has doubled every week since the beginning of January. The hotspots of the outbreak are the two main cities in the country, Lilongwe in the centre and Blantyre in the south, which account for around two million people. What are MSF teams observing there? More than 10 members of the MSF team have been diagnosed with the new coronavirus in the past 10 days (fortunately none of them have developed severe symptoms so far). This is putting a huge strain on our operational capacity. The hospital is doing a great job in dire circumstances. We hired 50 extra health workers to reinforce their team and are helping to manage oxygen supplies. Oxygen is the lifeline in the treatment of patients, but the demand far exceeds the national production capacity and has to be met by imported cylinders and concentrators, which are in short supply. It will be fully equipped and staffed by MSF, in response to a call for help from the hospital director and the district health officer. Our next objective therefore is to improve the early referral of severe patients, in order to maximise their chances of survival. By that time, the pandemic might have already peaked, and killed many who could have been protected by vaccination. All the information you need on making your application to Trinity can be found below. If you have any questions, please don't hesitate to get in touch with us. Our International Foundation Programme is a year-long programme designed to allow students to develop the skills required to succeed and excel in a competitive university environment. To find out more about the Trinity International Foundation Programme, please visit this page.

Details on accepted English proficiencies are available on our Admission Requirements page Some courses will have additional requirements and restrictions for admission. They are detailed on the relevant course page and on our Admission Requirements page Please note that posted scores are minimum entrance requirements only and do not guarantee admission. Where places are competitive, a student must have excellent examination results to qualify for a place on their preferred course. Important note on your application Applicants from your country will normally be defined by Trinity as Non-EU applicants; this is based on residency rather than nationality.For more information on alternative paths to Trinity, such as advanced entry transfers, please see our guide to non-standard applications here Details on accepted English proficiencies are available on our Admission Requirements pageMore detailed requirements for each course are listed on the relevant course page Since its foundation in 1592, Trinity College Dublin has sought to assist students of limited means and reward academic achievement. Students are always encouraged to explore external funding options in their home countries. If your country is not listed, then you do not require a visa to enter Ireland. For general information on visas and immigration please visit our Visa Information section. Any visits to your region are listed on this page. For assistance with your application, please contact the Regional Manager for your country. Do not hesitate to get in touch with us, we would be pleased to answer your questions. This website works best with modern browsers such as the latest versions of Chrome, Firefox, Safari, and Edge. If you continue with this browser, you may see unexpected results.It features individual country pages as well as sources searchable by topic or country. This information is not all inclusive and should be treated as a starting point.

Individual country pages can be found under the regional tabs. The countries differ immensely geographically, politically, socially, economically, and culturally. These subdivisions include the following countries: Individual country pages include links to history and culture related websites, as well as news resources and official government websites. Dawnlyn also researched and developed the country pages. British missionary and trading activity increased in the area around Lake Malawi in the second half of the 19th century. In 1889, a British Central African Protectorate was established, which was renamed Nyasaland in 1907, and which became the independent nation of Malawi in 1964. After three decades of one-party rule under President Hastings Kamuzu BANDA, the country held multiparty presidential and parliamentary elections in 1994, under a provisional constitution that came into full effect the following year. Bakili MULUZI became the first freely elected president of Malawi when he won the presidency in 1994; he won re-election in 1999. President Bingu wa MUTHARIKA, elected in 2004 after a failed attempt by the previous president to amend the constitution to permit another term, struggled to assert his authority against his predecessor and subsequently started his own party, the Democratic Progressive Party in 2005. MUTHARIKA was reelected to a second term in 2009. He oversaw some economic improvement in his first term, but was accused of economic mismanagement and poor governance in his second term. He died abruptly in 2012 and was succeeded by vice president, Joyce BANDA, who had earlier started her own party, the People's Party. MUTHARIKA's brother, Peter MUTHARIKA, defeated BANDA in the 2014 election. Peter MUTHARIKA was reelected in a disputed 2019 election that resulted in countrywide protests. Tip Visit the Definitions and Notes page to view a description of each topic.

In both rural and urban areas, very high proportions of mothers are receiving prenatal care and skilled birth assistance, and most children are being vaccinated. Malawi’s fertility rate, however, has only declined slowly, decreasing from more than 7 children per woman in the 1980s to about 5.5 today. Nonetheless, Malawians prefer smaller families than in the past, and women are increasingly using contraceptives to prevent or space pregnancies. Rapid population growth and high population density is putting pressure on Malawi’s land, water, and forest resources. Reduced plot sizes and increasing vulnerability to climate change, further threaten the sustainability of Malawi’s agriculturally based economy and will worsen food shortages. About 80 of the population is employed in agriculture. Historically, Malawians migrated abroad in search of work, primarily to South Africa and present-day Zimbabwe, but international migration became uncommon after the 1970s, and most migration in recent years has been internal. During the colonial period, Malawians regularly migrated to southern Africa as contract farm laborers, miners, and domestic servants. In the decade and a half after independence in 1964, the Malawian Government sought to transform its economy from one dependent on small-scale farms to one based on estate agriculture. The resulting demand for wage labor induced more than 300,000 Malawians to return home between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s. In recent times, internal migration has generally been local, motivated more by marriage than economic reasons. The country’s economic performance has historically been constrained by policy inconsistency, macroeconomic instability, poor infrastructure, rampant corruption, high population growth, and poor health and education outcomes that limit labor productivity. The economy is predominately agricultural with about 80 of the population living in rural areas.

Agriculture accounts for about one-third of GDP and 80 of export revenues. The performance of the tobacco sector is key to short-term growth as tobacco accounts for more than half of exports, although Malawi is looking to diversify away from tobacco to other cash crops. The economy depends on substantial inflows of economic assistance from the IMF, the World Bank, and individual donor nations. Donors halted direct budget support from 2013 to 2016 because of concerns about corruption and fiscal carelessness, but the World Bank resumed budget support in May 2017. In 2006, Malawi was approved for relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) program but recent increases in domestic borrowing mean that debt servicing in 2016 exceeded the levels prior to HIPC debt relief. Heavily dependent on rain-fed agriculture, with corn being the staple crop, Malawi’s economy was hit hard by the El Nino-driven drought in 2015 and 2016, and now faces threat from the fall armyworm. The drought also slowed economic activity, led to two consecutive years of declining economic growth, and contributed to high inflation rates. Depressed food prices over 2017 led to a significant drop in inflation (from an average of 21.7 in 2016 to 12.3 in 2017), with a similar drop in interest rates. Learn More. Accepted January 14, 2009. Abstract Transnational tobacco manufacturing and tobacco leaf companies engage in numerous efforts to oppose global tobacco control. One of their strategies is to stress the economic importance of tobacco to the developing countries that grow it. We analyze tobacco industry documents and ethnographic data to show how tobacco companies used this argument in the case of Malawi, producing and disseminating reports promoting claims of losses of jobs and foreign earnings that would result from the impending passage of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC).

In addition, they influenced the government of Malawi to introduce resolutions or make amendments to tobacco-related resolutions in meetings of United Nations organizations, succeeding in temporarily displacing health as the focus in tobacco control policymaking. However, these efforts did not substantially weaken the FCTC. Malawi began exporting tobacco in 1893, 1 and today it is the world's most tobacco-dependent economy. The FCTC was passed in February 2005, and, as of April 2009, 164 countries (not including the United States) had ratified and were implementing the framework. November 1992 Allyn Taylor publishes article on WHO's power under Article 19 of its constitution to use international instruments to control tobacco. November 3, 1993 Martin Oldman states that tobacco industry reports will ensure that ITGA members are “singing off the same hymn sheet” to counter global tobacco control. May 1995 World Health Assembly adopts Resolution WHA48.11, which integrates the recommendations of the WCTOH, to begin feasibility studies on the FCTC. May 1996 World Health Assembly adopts Resolution WHA49.17, requesting the director general of WHO to initiate the development of the FCTC in accordance with Article 19 of its constitution. May 1998 Gro Harlem Brundtland elected WHO director general and makes the FCTC one of her 2 top priorities (the other being malaria). July 1998 Tobacco Free Initiative is created. May 1999 World Bank publishes report Curbing the Epidemic: Governments and Economics of Tobacco Control; WHO presents the report to the 52nd World Health Assembly as a technical document providing economic justification for the FCTC. May 1999 World Health Assembly adopts Resolution WHA52.18, creating FCTC Working Group and INB to initiate negotiation of the FCTC. March 2000 ITGA conducts road show media event in Malawi in an effort to discredit World Bank evidence of the public health benefits of tobacco control.

May 2000 53rd World Health Assembly adopts Resolution WHA53.16 to begin formal negotiation of the FCTC. As of April 2009, Malawi had not signed or ratified the FCTC. Malawi is an extreme but not unique case of how transnational tobacco companies have used developing countries’ economic reliance on tobacco to oppose global tobacco control. 11 As part of a broader strategy involving other tobacco-growing countries such as Argentina, Brazil, Turkey, and Zimbabwe, BAT and the ITGA sought the assistance of Malawi grower representatives and government officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to argue tobacco's economic contribution in Malawi and pressure United Nations (UN) organizations involved in tobacco control to stress this contribution, diluting the health focus of tobacco control and delaying passage of the FCTC. The tobacco industry's influence on health policymaking in Malawi involves relationships between institutions and power and between the global and local levels 12: “the constellation of actors, activities, and influences that shape policy decisions and their implementation, effects, and how they play out.” 13 (p 30 ) Researchers and social scientists have applied an anthropology of policy approach to the study of the influence of industrialized farming on communities, 14 to discussions of language and power in written policy documents on economic development, 15 and to the effects of contrasting meaning structures on environmental conflicts. 16 Despite transnational tobacco manufacturing and leaf companies’ high level of influence on health policies and tobacco-growing societies, anthropologists and health researchers have ignored the policy chain from tobacco farmers (policy recipients) to tobacco companies (policy influencers) and government officials (policymakers) that shapes policy directions and relationships ( Figure 1 ).

We analyzed tobacco companies’ use of economic arguments regarding the benefits of tobacco in Malawi to obstruct the FCTC between 1992, when the idea of the framework first took shape, and the time at which the framework was passed. Our rationale is that if tobacco control efforts are to be effective in tobacco-growing societies, tobacco companies’ interference in health policymaking in those countries needs to be understood and ended. Open in a separate window FIGURE 1 Tobacco policy chain in Malawi. The influence of transnational tobacco manufacturing and leaf companies on the creation and obstruction of Malawi's tobacco control policies, as well as the policies of WHO and other UN bodies, reveals the economic and political power of tobacco companies in the global health policy arena. At the same time, possible outcomes of the successful implementation of the FCTC were changes in social norms and health behaviors and reductions in the power of tobacco manufacturing and leaf companies to undermine health policies. Our initial searches focused on the terms “Malawi,” “tobacco control,” “WHO,” and “Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.” We conducted follow-up searches that included the names of key individuals and organizations and adjacent page (Bates) numbers. Using the snowball method, we identified key themes and terms (e.g., “health policy,” “policymaking,” “economic benefits,” and “tobacco growing”) in the initial industry documents we found that were consistent with the research on tobacco industry influence in Malawi. Lexus Nexus, World Cat, the University of California's Melvyl library catalog, and Internet search engines—Google ( ), Yahoo ( ), and Clusty ( ) were used to obtain information that would corroborate findings from industry documents.

These individuals were selected on the basis of their willingness to take part in the study, their knowledge of health policymaking in Malawi, and their experiences with influential organizations relevant to tobacco control and the tobacco industry in Malawi. The question guide for interviews was developed in consultation with key informants (e.g., health policymakers and trade union leaders) and the experience gained from repeated visits to Malawi. As our knowledge of Malawi's tobacco sector deepened, we modified our questions to elicit a deeper understanding of the research themes and added new questions based on conversations with experts and in consultation with colleagues at the University of California. In 1983 BAT, which dominates the cigarette market in Malawi and is the second largest buyer of Malawi tobacco from leaf processing companies, and Philip Morris, which has a small share of the cigarette market in Malawi but is the largest buyer of Malawi tobacco from leaf processing companies, 5 identified the Malawi government as a key ally in the struggle against WHO's tobacco control efforts. Tobacco companies and their surrogate groups generally produced these reports after public health researchers and organizations released reports on the economic harm of tobacco to developing countries. Position paper established and regional links being forged. In 2003, FAO released 2 volumes of a report on the effects of tobacco control and the FCTC on world economies that noted Malawi's extreme reliance on tobacco. 4, 68 The industry's pressure on FAO to conduct research on the economics of tobacco farming represented a tactical victory, delaying the FCTC process; however, no additional economic studies were conducted, and thus the final impact of this report on the FCTC is not clear.

In addition to WHO and FAO, the tobacco industry attempted to influence the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC), the key UN forum for discussions of global economic and social issues and the creation of policy recommendations. 69 In July 2000, tobacco companies conducted a meeting with Malawians to formulate the Malawi government's position in support of the economic contribution of tobacco for that month's ECOSOC meeting on the FCTC in New York (R. Sandramu, General Secretary of the Tobacco Tenants and Allied Workers' Union, oral communication, July 2000). 11, 70 Between 1993 and 2000, ECOSOC was the focal point of UN research on tobacco crop substitution and the economic impact of tobacco control. Hallmark Public Relations provided the funding for TAMA's Thyangathyanga to attend the industry meeting and the ECOSOC meeting in New York (R. Sandramu, oral communication, July 2000). 11, 70 Thyangathyanga and 4 other Malawians drafted the statement submitted by Yusuf Juwayeyi, Malawi's ambassador to the UN, to the ECOSOC meeting. Following their intervention, decisions to endorse the FCTC were postponed until 2002, when the FAO study of the impact of the FCTC on tobacco growing is completed. FAO made a valuable statement that the importance of tobacco leaf to developing country economies must be recognized and studied further. 74 With the Malawi government supporting tobacco industry activities designed to undermine the FCTC, BAT and ITGA were able to use Malawi's situation to influence the first meeting in October 2000 of the WHO Intergovernmental Negotiating Body (INB), created to write the FCTC text. Now without tobacco in Malawi there isn't going to be any health side anyway. Nobody is going to have any money to buy medicine. Nobody is going to have any money to pay the bills, to run the little hospitals in the districts. You know, the infrastructure is going to take a serious knock if tobacco is reduced.

(Graham, oral communication, August 2000) Graham (oral communication, August 2000) agreed with the notion that it was “Malawi's intention is to be the country that produces the last leaf of tobacco.” With the government of Malawi securely on board with tobacco industry activities designed to undermine the FCTC, BAT and ITGA used the government's stance to influence the first meeting of the INB. Tobacco Industry Influence on Malawi's WHO Delegation In October 2000, WHO launched the first of 6 INB meetings to complete the FCTC. The government of Malawi sent delegations to all of the INB meetings conducted in Geneva, Switzerland, between October 2000 and February 2003. Table 3 presents the names of government officials who promoted the development of the tobacco industry, demonstrating the multifaceted strategy of transnational tobacco manufacturing and leaf companies to influence policymaking in Malawi. Each of Malawi's INB delegations averaged 7 members, with 5 working for the tobacco industry. Links to the tobacco industry refer to individuals being employed with a government or commercial organization that promotes the tobacco industry.During that meeting, Wesley Sangala, the Ministry of Health's chief technical advisor and an advisor to the INB1 Malawi delegation, noted that the Malawi delegation welcomed the FCTC and that the treaty would help local farmers find alternative crops to tobacco. 83 In fact, the governments of Malawi and Zimbabwe, as tobacco-growing developing countries, were not always entirely supportive of the tobacco manufacturers. In April 2000, Eugene Philhower, an aide in the US trade mission in Geneva, Switzerland, reported to James Regan, a tobacco industry consultant, that the governments of Malawi and Zimbabwe were “somewhat conflicted”: While they sympathize with the developing countries on bashing the multinationals and criticizing the industrialized world, they also want to protect their own domestic industries.

61 Philhower added that “there is a remote chance that Zimbabwe and Malawi will object or try to slow down” the FCTC negotiations. 61 Other members of Malawi's delegation to INB1 argued that “the treaty might not be in the best interest of Southern African tobacco growing countries.” 84 Such statements did not satisfy the tobacco industry; in an internal brief on the outcome of INB1, Andreas Vecchiet, BAT's manager of international political affairs, reported that “Malawi was next to hopeless in that they did not show up for the hearings and possibly at least the first day of the INB as they had planned.” 85 Malawi's delegation did not always act in a manner that pleased transnational tobacco manufacturing companies. The Malawi presence at the remaining 5 INB meetings better suited BAT and other transnational tobacco manufacturing and leaf companies. TAMA's Thyangathyanga attended these meetings and was a leading spokesperson on the benefits of tobacco growing in Malawi. In 1999, Thyangathyanga advised the Malawi government “that the Tobacco Industry in Malawi should accompany all delegations discussing Tobacco in the UN regardless of the agency.” 60 In an August 2001 BAT Web site news report (Malawi Says No Economic Life Without Tobacco 86 ), Thyangathyanga noted that 90 of Malawi's development budget is dependent on donor handouts and that any losses of income from global restrictions on tobacco would further exacerbate the situation. In October 2001, 1 month before the third INB meeting, Bakili Muluzi, Malawi's president from 1994 through 2004, reinforced Thyangathyanga's views and assured TAMA and ITGA that the government would “continue promoting the production and marketing of tobacco until viable alternatives are found.” 87 Malawi's industry-stacked delegation to the INB meetings had little influence on the tobacco control positions of the WHO African Region, a group consisting of 46 African countries. A Watered-Down Framework.

After the final INB meeting in February 2003, the tobacco industry in Malawi concluded that the draft FCTC did not represent an immediate threat to the country's tobacco sector. Although the tobacco industry and the national media in Malawi reported that the FCTC would establish a deadline to end tobacco growing, 29 it was never the intent of the FCTC to establish such a deadline. Government officials, tobacco farmers, trade unionists, and health advocates in Malawi have had both oppositional and supportive relationships with the tobacco industry. Therefore, the demand for tobacco leaf is still going to be there. But at the beginning our view was that there would be a drastic reduction in the demand for the tobacco leaf and therefore our economies would suffer. Sangala's statements illustrate the limits of the influence of transnational tobacco manufacturing companies in Malawi's health policymaking process. Or at best keep the status quo as it is now” (G. Chapola, oral communication, March 2003). As of April 2009, Malawi had not signed or ratified the FCTC, and there was no indication that the country would do so (R. Sandramu, written communication, February 2008; J. Kapito, executive secretary, Consumers' Association of Malawi, written communication, February 2008). Steady Increases in Tobacco Leaf Global Demand Transnational tobacco manufacturing and leaf companies and the government of Malawi are concerned with decreases in the global demand for tobacco after the implementation of tobacco control measures. In a draft study on tobacco control policies and employment, World Bank economist Ping Zhang suggested that threats to jobs from trade policies governing Malawi's export markets overshadow the threat to jobs in the country's tobacco sector from tobacco control policies.

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